Hodi-Mandai Geram

Keywords: Reverse Contextualism, Cross-Cultural Identity, Cultural Aggression, Hodi, Indigeneity, Intergenerational Learning ,  Lo-Fab  ,  Mandai Settlement  ,  Neuro-Architectology ,  Tectonism.

Backdrop:

Hodis, a less well-known community of people in Bangladesh who live on the peripheries and are Indigenous culturally but without official status in state policies. Their situation is similar to pre-reconciliation era with deep spiritual attachment to the land but without cultural autonomy or ancestral domain that is legally recognized. They are called Mandai in the majority of written historical documents as well as statistics. Their identity also suits the definition of "Imagined Community" where they are all resting on the underworld of "Bhanga Kshatriya"  .

Primitive Culture could not create any high diffusion or permanent realm in the Bengal Delta compared to the adjacent places for rapid urbanization, insufficient land and also for a changing landscape. It is a "Great Ethnic Melting Pot". We lack precise accurate numbers of ethnic demography since they are divided for bureaucracy and were never intended for doing community demand scale work. Even though the ethnic groups are trying their best to preserve their culture and way of life instead of mainstream assimilation and transferring it to their next generation. Fifty of them are recognized as ethnic minorities among them Hodi is one. They do possess a unique culture and rich history but vanishing. 

In the contemporary context, ethnic groups of bangladesh, in fact all over the world there is a movement ongoing to revive own culture and projecting them. It's very crucial in terms of having an identity and marking them such way of society, economy, education, living and justice. However, policymakers or government have yet to address any existing need so far for them in planning. Intergenerational learning and continuity of collective memory are crucial to give life to their cultural dynamism.

The project suggests architectural interventions that support placemaking and cultural resilience for their rich intangible and tangible heritages that are battling extreme cultural aggression. This study not only examines the architectural characteristics of Hodi Mandai settlements  but also unfolds the problems of the community and examines how their socio-economic and cultural processes shape and reshape their living spaces in a multidisciplinary way. Further, there are no such studies here that have been done in this comprehensive way to address ethnicity in architecture and other aspects. Nevertheless, practical implementation is necessary to find an application of this research because applied paradox differs significantly from the model in theory.

Site area                       : 42.5 acres 

Potential Stakeholder : Government Bodies (MOCA, MOL, LG, BSCIC),

                                        NGOs & Civil Society ( BRAC, Caritas BD etc.),

                                        Hodi Community (Local + Migrants),

                                        Craft development agencies

Origin and History:

Hodi, a disappearing ethnic group with more than a thousand years of tradition in the Old Brahmaputra Valley of the Bengal Delta, is facing fast-paced cultural erosion, socio-economic hardship and displacement from their ancestral domain. Socio-economic pressure combined with limited livelihood choices and lack of political representation has pushed numerous people to sell off their land and settle on Khas lands disengaging them from their cultural geography.

The Hodi possess a history of over a thousand years and are believed to be a branch of the Assamese Bodo. The Hodi once occupied the Brahmaputra flood plains and rich flat plains and subsisted on agriculture, fishing, and bamboo-based artisanal enterprises. The area was settled by a tribe known as the Mandai (a group with Indo-Mongoloid origin and Dravidian admix) before the settling of Garos in the Mymensingh district. Over time, they intermarried and intermingled and two distinct branches of culture developed: one group, who migrated to the Madhupur forest, were known as Kochh-Mandai and the other, after absorption amongst the Garo (or Mandi), as Hodi-Mandai. Hudi Nikni (clan of Koch) and Do’al Mahari (clan of Garo) have created this Mandai branch by intermarriage. 

Although the Hodi have long been outside the pale of formal Hindu caste society, they firmly consider themselves Kshatriya (warrior class), and have even organized themselves into five Gotras (clans), following the mythical sons of a Kshatriya Raja. These endogenous frameworks continue to determine their conduct in ritual, marriage customs, and social organization.

In the first half of the 20th century, the Hodi demanded official confirmation of their Kshatriya identity and agitated in 1921 Jamalpur Census, but were not recognized by colonial powers. This conflict over identity and legitimacy is an extension of the overall marginalization they have experienced—socially, economically, and politically.

Historical accounts also suggest that the Hodi played a role in the Pagalpanthi movement at Sherpur following Tipu Shah's death, indicating their involvement in larger movements of resistance and socio-political consciousness in Bengal's colonial past.

The thesis addresses Barar Char in Sherpur District of Bangladesh where some part of the Hodi community is still living along an oxbow lake. The project is hypothetical and derives its quality and depth from an Ethnographic Field Survey grounded in the oral tradition, everyday routines, and cultural practices of the Hodi people. These everyday experiences not only informed the ethnographic discourse but also were formative for the design approach throughout the thesis.

Nature of the Hodi Community

The nature of the Hodi community is gentle, communal, and uncomplicated, shaped by centuries of existence on the Bengal-Assam borderland's floodplains and forests. Their character conveys a robust sense of land, kin, and tradition in spite of marginalization and loss of culture.

a. Emotionally Receptive and Non-Confrontational

The Hodi are soft-hearted and peace-loving. They are not moved by violence or coercion but by brotherhood, respect, and emotional appeal. This is aptly illustrated by a popular local saying:

Muchi chole gaailee

Hodi chole bhaailee

‘The Cobbler moves when scolded hard,

The Hodi melts with a brotherly card!’

Their cooperation and agreement are likely to develop through mutual empathy rather than pressure or command.

b. Communal and Cooperative

Hodi's social life is based on mutual support, common practice, and seasonal labor, wherein day-to-day life is focused. With regard to marriage, agriculture, and festivals, their social life is enwoven in common responsibility and family cooperation. Their Para and Samaj system enables close support groups, which previously have replaced state rule.

c. Spiritually Rooted and Ritualistic

They possess a deep spiritual connection with nature and ancestral customs. Their deification of goddesses like Manasa, their reverence of tools like the Dhenki, and rituals tied to land, harvest, and marriage speak of a worldview wherein religiosity is omnipresent in everyday life. They also adhere to astrological rules like Khonar Bachan for land selection and homestead planning. 

d. Environmentally Sensitive and Adaptive

The Hodi showcase a natural ecological intelligence, which has been shaped by their proximity to rivers, wetlands, and forests. Their use of bamboo, medicinal plants, and seasonal migrations illustrates a way of life with the earth. Their traditional habitation comprises inner courtyards (Uthan), outer courtyards (Dohol), and animal enclosures (Bondo)—illustrating concern for microclimate, sanitation, and circulation of resources.

 Flow of Open Space

The Hodi homestead revolves around open spaces that, apart from being functional, are also strongly identified with cultural rhythms and environmental adjustment. Uthan, Dohol, and Bondo are the spaces that structure domestic life and represent the Hodi worldview of graded thresholds and significant zoning.

a. Uthan (Inner Courtyard):

The Uthan is the most inner and intimate courtyard of the homestead, which is enclosed by living rooms, kitchens, and store huts. It is used primarily by the members of the family and is a private and sacred area. 

Functions:

• Domestic functions such as pounding of rice, seed drying, weaving, and bathing
• Rituals such as marriage preparations or worship
• Socialization among women, elders, and children
• Microclimate regulator that enhances ventilation and daylight
• The Uthan is the emotional and spiritual heart of the home, a symbol of purity and domestic harmony. 

Dohol (Outer Courtyard):

The outer threshold courtyard is the Dohol, which stands between the public street or pathway and the inner domestic space. It is a buffer area—semi-public in nature. 

Its uses include:

• Receiving visitors or guests
• Men's gathering and informal conversation
• Working with tools, bamboo, or firewood
• Temporary workshop for craft work or repair activities
• The Dohol provides visual and social connection between the family and the broader community while maintaining privacy in the Uthan.

c. Bondo (Animal and Poultry Ground):

The Bondo is a designated open area close to the homestead as the grazing field for cattle and poultry. It is typically located at the rear or side of the house cluster.

Functions:

• Feeding and sheltering cows, goats, chickens, and ducks
• Seasonal fencing for animal husbandry
• Manure collection and composting
• Sometimes includes temporary thatch huts or bamboo sheds

The Bondo supports the household agrarian economy and food system and reflects the community's dependence on domestic animals for livelihood and ritualistic use.

Each Samaj begins with a temple and a pond in the middle which are both everyday life and ritual centers. The Samaj expands from this center into distinct households (Ghar). This spatial design reinforces the communal structure, with shared access to water, worship, and seasonal pursuits.

One of the most distinctive ecological and cultural features of Bhogairpar is the presence of a medicinal plant and bamboo forest belt that rings or interlaces through the settlement. Not only does this green belt maintain local health and traditional medicine, but it also provides for bamboo craftsmanship, one of the core livelihoods of Hodi people in the area.

Socio-Spatial Structure

The social structure of the Hodi community is characterized by a distinctive and segmented social organization grounded in kinship, culture and spatiality. This organization serves to reinforce communal identity, the regulation of social norms and the organization of everyday and ritual life.

a. Sharik (Family Unit):

A Sharik consists of 4 to 6 members of a nuclear or extended family who reside together. It is the smallest residential and everyday life unit.

b. Ghar (Homestead):

A Ghar is made up of 1 to 5 Sharik units. These households live together in a shared homestead or compound, often around a central inner courtyard. Certain common daily activities such as cooking, handicraft, and small-scale cultivation are often performed at this level on a shared basis.

c. Samaj (Community Group):

A Samaj is formed by 15 to 20 Ghar units. It is a socially bonded or kin-based group with the role of the organization of ritual, festival, and conflict resolution. A Samaj is also a common identity and collective responsibility unit.

Previously, a Samaj was formed by the members of one Dugu (clan), and nowadays it is often comprised of the members of one Gotra (lineage group). Each Samaj is internally divided into a number of Dugu, clans of common origin. People of the same Dugu observe rules of strict exogamy, i.e., they do not intermarry within the same clan. The Dugu organization perpetuates lineage identity across Paras and even between distant settlements.

The Hodi are of five Gotra, each of which is supposed to have descended from one of the five sons of a legendary Kshatriya king, according to Hindu mythology (e.g., the Mahabharata). These Gotras define deeper genealogical identity and prescribe marriage rules, shaping how Dugus are organized in the society.

d. Para (Neighborhood):

A Para is made up of 5 to 7 units of Samaj. It is a unit at the neighborhood level of the entire village. A Para typically has common infrastructure such as water bodies, religious spaces (temples or Thaan), congregation spaces, and seasonal festival spaces.

e. Geram (Village):

The Geram represents the entire village—a culturally integrated settlement made up of a number of Paras. It reflects the common identity, collective knowledge, and socio-spatial harmony of the Hodi. Despite being under migration and cultural erosion, the Geram is a site of rooted belonging and strength against a changing socio-political order

Concept of Holy Tree

Despite numerous cross-cultural changes over time, one tradition has remained constant—the ritual centered around the sacred tree.

Following religious conversion, Tulsi Puja (holy basil worship) was embraced by the Hodi community in their rituals. Differing from the majority Hindus, who typically have one Ram Tulsi or Dwito Bonotulsi and worship it, the Hodi plant and worship an entire bush of Tulsi. During their puja, they place a rock, which is already consecrated in their rituals, at the base of the Tulsi plant as a sacred object.

The Hodi have traditionally held in esteem the Seizu plant, also called the Manasa tree, as a representation of Bura (a deity who was later syncretized as Shiva). They also hold the Charak tree, often a Sal tree, in esteem as a representation of Shiva's presence within their community.

Further, Jica tree holds a special significance—it is considered important for each Samaj to possess a Jica tree where ritual worship can be offered. This adds force to community identity and determination of ancestral tradition.

Festivals, Puja & Rituals

The research investigates the possibility of architectural intervention for an identity that was born and nurtured in this deltaic landscape and now faces the threat of extinction. The proposed architectural approach seeks to address the loss of their traditional values, spiritual beliefs and cultural practices which are under threat due to the pressures of modernity and displacement. By combining Neuroscientific, Anthropological, Medical,  Economic, and Psychological Theories along with Participatory Community Design and Adaptive Architecture, the thesis imagines built environments that evolve with the needs of the community while considering their timeless cultural essence.

The proposed architectural plan has the intent of incorporating the Hodi's cultural heritage into the design framework, addressing both their socio-economic status and spiritual beliefs. The design also promotes intercultural communication with non-Hodi societies for social integration and shared understanding. The project seeks to sanctify the Hodi's cultural identity and create an interactive space that adapts without any cultural aggressions, placing architecture at the center of cultural continuity and social integration. It also acknowledges the ecological significance of Migratory Birds and the potential for Sensitive Waterfront Development which is a quiet but necessary requirement generated from the site's unique context.

Bamboo Species of Bangladesh:

Migratory Birds of Sherpur District:

Traditional Architype:  Dera 

The Hodi people have a distinct and traditional housing form known as the "Dera." There is a popular saying in that area that-

                                                      Kolapatar dera-dura

                                                      Oine achhe Hodipara.

    ‘Banana-leaf huts, all scattered and raw.’

                                           There you’ll find the Hodi in awe.’

These dwellings are typically constructed using natural, locally available materials. The walls are made from banana leaves or betel nut leaves while the roof is traditionally thatched with straw or grass and the plinth is crafted from a mixture of jute fiber and mud. The structural framework is primarily composed of semicircular bamboo slit, a sustainable and flexible material.The concept came from ‘Teer-Dhonna’ (bow and arrow), which was used as a primary means of defense.

To cope with the strong riverside winds, they built their homes small and lower to the ground. Windows are either omitted entirely or designed as small openings, allowing minimal light and ventilation, to maintain the house's durability against the wind.

Maxims of Khona followed by the Hodi people:

a. The king lives in a south-facing house; the east-facing is his subject's spouse. The west-facing brings ashes and gloom, The north-facing pays no revenue or room.

(Meaning: South-facing houses are best; east is decent; west brings misfortune; north is barren or unproductive.)

b. A duck to the east, bamboo to the west, Fence to the north, open to the rest. Build your home strong and wide, with support posts joined side by side.

(Meaning: Placement of nature and structure matters—specific directions bring harmony to the house.)

c. Adulsa, Bamboo and a Brahmin near. These three will bring the homestead to fear.

(Meaning: Certain elements near the house are bad omens.)

d. If you build on a fevered land, Sickness will come by its own hand.

(Meaning: Avoid building on land that once had disease or a bad history.)

e. Dhenki (husking tool) in the south, Bael tree to the north, Goddess Lakshmi says: "I am off henceforth!"

(Meaning: These placements drive away prosperity or good fortune.)

f. The north room eats milk and rice, The south room freezes in winter’s ice, The west room eats hearty meals, The east room only has leftover peels.

(Meaning: Different room orientations bring different fates—north brings wealth, east brings poverty.)

g. A house well fenced is a life well spent.

Meaning: A boundary around the home brings order, protection, and harmony.)

h. Palm, tamarind, and madar tree, Make the house a misery.

(Meaning: These trees near a house are believed to bring negativity.)

i. Where neem and nishinda trees grow, Death is something rare to show.

(Meaning: These medicinal trees near homes promote health and longevity.)

j. A high platform and a sunken floor, That home will suffer forevermore.

(Meaning: Improper construction—raised platform with poor drainage—invites lifelong discomfort or trouble.)

But in most cases, they could not follow one important aspect: the orientation. The orientation is mostly east-west which is unusual for tropical regions but typical for riverside microclimates, where the wind flows from east to west.

This project is worth mentioning not only for innovative design, but for introducing to the global platform the Hodi-Mandai, an endangered ethnic minority. In Bangladesh alone, a country of over 175 million, the Hodi have been marginalized over one thousand years in the Old Brahmaputra Valley. To document their otherwise unrevealed culture, I spent a year's fees and lived with the community for months to study their daily lives, ceremonies, and traditions firsthand. The project does not encage them in colonial histories and record books but as they are revealed in current media, they unveil their cultural identity before the world.

The thesis provides Reverse Contextualism as a novel theory of architecture that re-interprets rather than replicates context and uses neuro-architectology through the application of a 3×3 methodology of Hodi psychology based on surveys and fractals of Bengal Delta settlements.

The Hodi’s mastery of bamboo crafts and vernacular building techniques reflects a unique tectonism, merging contemporary architecture with deltaic traditions. Local knowledge is used to respect site topography and context. A living museum documents heritage, unifies the dispersed community, and integrates ecological awareness, including migratory birds, 95% native species.

Through participatory planning, ethnography, and ecological consciousness, the project creates cultural continuity, social cohesion, and environmental stewardship, bringing the Hodi-Mandai international publicity, recognition, and a platform to continue their tradition.

Survey Questionnaire:

a. Individual Household Questionnaire:

1. Name of the head of the family

2. Descent of Kshatriya-

        i. Goutam , ii. Kapil

        iii. Autri, iv. Angiraas

        v. Kashyap

3. Number of family members

4. Age of family members

5. Major Traditions (Shakta,Vaishnav etc.)

6. Do you practice rituals of Naturalism?

7. Family profession

8. Current occupation

9. Reason of changing profession

10.How long ago you changed profession?

8. Reason of changing family profession

9. How long ago you changed profession?

11.Monthly income

12.Any other source of income

13.Educational status

14.Reason of migration

15.Are you living in their ancestral land?

16.How long have you or your family been residing on this land?

17.Did you migrate at any point in their lifetime, or did your family migrate?  

18.What do you use as building materials?

19.Have you experienced or are you currently facing any natural calamities here? If yes, what type of calamities have you encountered?

20.During floods, at what level does the water rise?

21. Do you live on their own land or house, or do you reside on land or in a house provided by relatives?

22.  Do you or your family members receive any economic support from the government or NGOs?

b. Observation Sheet:

1. Layout of the homestead with north sign (with location with road / entry, adjacent homestead, vegetation, drinking water source / pond etc.) :

2. Note:

Cultural Elements of Main House and Annex Buildings:

c. Focus Group Discussion & Key-Informants Interview:

*Identical questions were used in both FGD and KII to explore diverse perspectives from activists and ordinary individuals.

Case study area: Village ………………. Upazila ………………. District …………… 

No of participant: …………………………………………………………………………………………….

1. Numbers of Hodi families and locations according to their knowledge :

2. Local Festivals, Puja and rituals they performs:

3. Do they have ancestral domain? :

4. Are their current building materials suitable for them? : 

5. Are they getting houses from government ? : 

6. Can house functions be extended or changed if needed? : 

7. Do the people ever be threatened with eviction from the land as the land they are

    living on now? : 

8. Are they getting their basic need properly?

Food : 

Clothing : 

Shelter : 

Education : 

Health : 

Entertainment : 

9. Are their houses been built to long last ? : 

10. Do their vernacular houses helpful for people with disabilities? : 

11. Do the types of houses follow their economic conditions ? : 

12. Do homeless people double up with their relatives? : 

13. Are their houses providing enough during monsoon and winter ? : 

14. How is the relationship with the non-indigenous neighbours? :

15. At what age can a family member participate in family decisions? : 

16. How property is divided? : 

17. If they don’t have their own land, then where is the culture practiced?: 

18. How are bamboo products sold? : 

19. Do they help others financially or physically in building a new house? :

20. What is the growth pattern of their settlement? : 

21. Where do men and women gather for informal chats? :

22. Is the community missing a designated space for gatherings like regular meetings,

     annual weddings, and shared events? : 

23. What types of houses Gharami (Mason) made? : 

24. Do local families find that their adult children, once married, struggle to stay within the community or are required to live with their parents or move elsewhere due to limited land availability and insufficient housing solutions? : 

25. What is the age range of working individuals in the community? :

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